Washington — Iran's handing of a death sentence this week to dissident rapper Toomaj Salehi has drawn outrage from the Islamic republic's domestic and international critics, including a German lawmaker who says Tehran risks fueling the backlash if it moves toward executing the artist. In an interview for the Friday edition of VOA's Flashpoint Global Crises program, German parliament member Ye-One Rhie said the Iranian government is using the death sentence to monitor who is still reacting to developments in Salehi's case and how they are reacting. Rhie has been acting as a "political sponsor" or advocate for the 33-year-old Iranian singer since shortly after his initial arrest in October 2022. "The Islamic Republic of Iran is testing the waters," Rhie said, noting that Tehran did the same when it staged an unprecedented aerial assault on Israel earlier this month. Israeli forces largely thwarted the attack with military assistance from a coalition of Western allies and Arab neighbors. Iranian state-approved newspaper Shargh first reported the death sentence against Salehi in an article published Wednesday, citing one of his lawyers who vowed to appeal it. Salehi was charged upon arrest with "spreading corruption on earth," an offense punishable by death. Days earlier, he had posted videos on Instagram, showing himself joining a nationwide protest movement against Iran's Islamist government and releasing a music video denouncing the government for 44 years of "failure." The rapper was sentenced last July to six years in prison, but Iran's Supreme Court reviewed the ruling and declared it flawed, enabling his release in November. He was re-arrested two weeks later, after posting another video online complaining of being tortured in custody. Wednesday's report of Salehi's death sentence drew swift condemnations from other dissidents and artists in Iran and from Iranian teachers' trade unions. VOA's Persian Service also received and vetted several videos that appeared to show protest actions inside Iran. VOA could not verify the videos independently because it is barred from reporting inside Iran. One video shows a banner with Salehi’s image on a bridge over Tehran's Modarres Expressway, as a woman filming the scene says the date is April 25. Another clip shows a Persian slogan citing Salehi scrawled onto a building's exterior wall in an unidentified location. The graffiti says: "We will return to the streets with strength." Criticism of Salehi's death sentence also came quickly from the United States and U.N. human rights bodies. In a Wednesday post on the X platform, U.S. Deputy Special Envoy for Iran Abram Paley said the U.S. "strongly" condemns the move. U.N. rights experts issued a statement Thursday demanding that Iran release Salehi immediately and reverse the sentence. As those calls were made, some Iranian state media appeared to downplay the possibility of Salehi being executed. In articles published Thursday, they cited Iran's Judiciary Media Center as saying that even if the Supreme Court confirms Salehi's death sentence upon appeal, a Pardon and Forgiveness Commission would review the case for possible commutation. Rhie said her efforts to raise international awareness of Salehi's plight for the past year-and-a-half have kept his case on the radar and agenda of Western media and governments. "It is important for the Iranian regime to know that Salehi has a status that they cannot touch. I would warn them against doing anything to him, because they don't want to know what the backlash would be," Rhie said. While Iran has signaled that Salehi's death sentence could be reversed, the German lawmaker said she will keep up her fight. "I don't think that there is anything that will stop us from our activism," she said. VOA's Persian Service contributed to this report. ...

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ISTANBUL — With a farewell song of “Good Vibrations” by the Beach Boys, a Turkish radio station fell silent this week after nearly 30 years of broadcasts. The final Acik Radyo broadcast on Wednesday came as a court upheld the Turkish media regulator’s order to revoke the Istanbul-based station’s license over the mention of "Armenian genocide" on air. Following the court ruling on October 8, the Radio and Television Supreme Council, known as RTUK, informed Acik Radyo that it must stop broadcasting within five days. The order to revoke the license silenced the independent radio station for the first time since it began terrestrial broadcasting in 1995. "We are finishing now; thank you to all Acik Radyo listeners and supporters. Acik Radyo will remain open to all the sounds, colors and vibrations of the universe," Omer Madra, the editor-in-chief, said on air before the last song played. The license revocation is related to comments made on air by journalist Cengiz Aktar on April 24. Aktar said the day was "the 109th anniversary, the anniversary of the massacres of Armenians, that is, the deportations and massacres that took place in the Ottoman lands, the massacres that are termed genocide." "This year, the commemoration of the Armenian genocide was also banned, you know," Aktar said. In a statement to VOA’s Turkish Service, the RTUK said “the terms ‘genocide’ and ‘massacre’ were used for the 1915 Events, and the program moderator made no attempt to correct this." The term “1915 Events” is how Turkish officials usually refer to the killing of an estimated 1.5 million Armenians in the final years of the Ottoman Empire. Turkey denies the deaths constituted genocide, saying that the toll has been inflated and that those killed were victims of civil war and unrest. April 24 is recognized as a commemoration day of the beginning of what many historians and countries, including the United States, Canada and France, recognize as the Armenian genocide. Broadcasts cut Turkey's media regulator first imposed an administrative fine and five-day suspension on Acik Radyo in May over the guest's statements. RTUK said the broadcast violated the law by inciting public hatred and enmity by making distinctions "based on race, language, religion, gender, class, region and religious order." On July 3, the regulator moved to revoke the license, saying that Acik Radyo had failed to comply with the suspension. In a statement, the radio station said that it had intended to comply and had paid the first installment of the administrative fine. It added that the failure to implement the suspension was a result of “technical inconvenience.” An RTUK official told VOA that according to the law, if a media provider continues to broadcast after a suspension “the Supreme Council shall decide on revoking its broadcasting license." "As can be seen, the legislator did not grant the Supreme Board any discretion in this matter and made it mandatory to cancel the license in case the sanction is not applied," the RTUK official told VOA. Acik Radyo defended the guest's statement as being in “the scope of freedom of expression." When Acik Radyo appealed the fine and suspension, a court in July ruled in the station’s favor. But RTUK objected to the court ruling and, on October 8, the court ruled in favor of the regulator. Umit Altas, Acik Radyo's lawyer, called RTUK's move "excessive intervention." "RTUK's decision to revoke the license, which is the most severe penalty, is against all precedents. This has exceeded the proportionality criteria of both Turkey's Constitutional Court and the European Court of Human Rights. License cancellation is the most severe decision. We think that it is not lawful to make such a decision," Altas told VOA Turkish. The station has appealed the most recent court decision, and its lawyer expects a verdict within a month. Acik Radyo's broadcast coordinator, Didem Gencturk, told VOA Turkish that the station is evaluating its options. She said that RTUK also requires internet broadcasters to obtain a license. "We have the right to apply for different license forms as broadcasters. We hope to continue our broadcasts with one of these, even if not on a terrestrial [land-based] medium," Gencturk said. Supporters gather On Wednesday evening, Acik Radyo's listeners and supporters gathered in front of the outlet's studios in Istanbul to show their solidarity. Madra read a statement and called the license withdrawal "an attempt to silence the public voice." Madra added that the station is evaluating its options for continuing its broadcasts. "There is no way that Acik Radyo will be silenced or be forgotten after the RTUK's decision. Let me even say that we may be able to take [the license] back," Madra told VOA Turkish. Some of those who gathered outside the station had contributed to programming over the years. "We are not giving in to despair. We will bring our broadcasts to our listeners and supporters as soon as possible," said Yesim Burul, who produces “Sinefil,” a show on cinema, for Acik Radyo. Murat Meric, who produces several music shows, called for solidarity and said he is preparing to continue his show. Turkish actor Tulin Ozen told VOA Turkish she grew up with the station. "I think the silencing of Acik Radyo is a shame for Turkey. I am here because I am against censorship in general. I am here because I am against being silenced," Ozen said. This story originated in VOA’s Turkish Service. ...

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paris — On a warm fall evening five years ago, supporters of the moderate Islamist Ennadha party packed one end of Tunis' Habib Bourguiba Boulevard, the iconic landmark of Tunisia's 2011 revolution. The other end hosted a boisterous get-out-the vote for business tycoon Nabil Karaoui — one of 26 candidates running in the North African country's 2019 presidential race. Tunisians voting Sunday will face a sharply narrower field. Out of 14 aspiring presidential candidates, the country's electoral commission — handpicked by current President Kais Saied — approved just three. The first is in prison. The second is considered close to Saied. The third is Saied himself. "The climate today is one of repression of every form of liberty," said Kamel Jendoubi, a former minister who headed Tunisia's first post-revolution electoral commission. "Arrests have multiplied against the opposition. Today all the main political leaders, from the left, center and right, are in prison." Jendoubi's remarks are echoed by a raft of opposition politicians, analysts and rights activists, even as Saied's supporters praise him for overhauling a corrupt and gridlocked system. Few dispute that after five years in office, the 66-year-old leader has dramatically reshaped Tunisia's political landscape, even as high unemployment and a struggling economy persist. With Sunday's vote seemingly stacked in the president's favor, some believe a second Saied term could consolidate a return to the country's authoritarian past. Others suggest Tunisians, notably a young, post-revolution generation, will not tolerate the loss of their fledgling democracy — especially if they judge the vote to be rigged. "If he's elected under these circumstances, it will be a weak regime," predicted Michael Ayari, senior Tunisia analyst for the International Crisis Group policy institute. "And a weak regime will do spectacular things to gain legitimacy." Cleaning up A law professor and political newcomer, Saied catapulted to power in 2019, running a one-man, shoestring campaign. His populist message of rooting out cronyism and returning power to the people resonated among an electorate fed up with years of dysfunctional governance. Thousands celebrated after Saied clinched runoff elections against businessman Karaoui, capturing 73% of the vote — a score some analysts believe he hopes to match or exceed. Tunisian taxi driver Mongi Ben Ameur voted for Saied then. He plans to vote for him again on Sunday. "The former regime, the people in politics, they profited from the country, they profited from the people," Ben Ameur says. "Saied is trying to clean everything up. We won't harvest the fruits right away, but he's done things we haven't seen before." In July 2021, Saied seized widespread powers, ultimately dissolving parliament. Over the next two years, he rewrote the country's constitution, beefing up presidential powers and reducing legislative ones. Voter turnout to approve each change was low, however, dipping to just over 11% in last year's legislative polls. "I think he had this philosophy that he had to destroy everything to rebuild on solid foundations," said Abdelkaddous Saadaoui, an activist and former Cabinet member, describing Saied's philosophy which he opposes. "He's convinced he's found solutions for the people," said Tunisian essayist Hatem Nafti, who authored a newly published book on Tunisia under Saied. "He doesn't even realize he's a dictator." Under Saied's presidency, authorities have detained or imprisoned dozens of opposition politicians, activists and journalists, dismissed judges and prosecutors, and weakened free expression and judicial independence. Even as Saied cracked down on corruption, analyst Ayari said, new forms have rooted and flourished. For now, Saied faces no major challengers. On Tuesday, a Tunisian court toughened a prison sentence against presidential candidate Ayachi Zammel on forgery charges, although he remains on the ballot. Separately, the elections commission rejected a top administrative court's decision authorizing three additional candidates to run. Last week, lawmakers hastily passed legislation stripping the court's authority to decide election disputes. "He's afraid of losing," former minister Jendoubi said of Saied. "When Kais Saied did his coup, he was popular — people went out on the streets to applaud him. But his popularity has dropped considerably, because he's not been able to resolve people's problems." Challenging times Internationally, Saied has moved beyond Tunisia's traditional Western alliances, reaching out to Iran, China and Russia, and rejecting foreign interference. He struck a controversial deal with the European Union to radically curb African migration to Europe, but rejected a $1.9 billion International Monetary Fund bailout, even as the country's public debt soars. Prices and joblessness are also high, and the country faces a major water crisis, which the president blames on a conspiracy. "Mr. Saied has shown little interest in reforms: his economic policy does not go much beyond ranting about speculators and the odd anti-corruption drive (usually aimed at his political opponents)," The Economist wrote recently. "Another five years of this all but ensures that Tunisia's economy will continue to flounder." While some activists still take to the streets, fear has silenced others. One declined to be interviewed over safety concerns. "We've returned to self-censorship," another Tunisian said. "It's true that some still dare to speak out, but no one knows when that will be deemed too much." Still, one Tunisian businesswoman, with local government experience, does not regret Saied's tenure. "These are challenging times, but sadly I feel we need to go through this," she said. "Because in the past, political parties always made agreements to get a piece of the pie instead of serving the people." "For the moment, populism works," said Crisis Group analyst Ayari of Saied. "Because each time he makes a mistake, he says 'it's not me — it's the others, it's the plotters.' But if there's a new narrative saying Kais Saied is responsible, then there will be mobilizations."Members of Tunisia's weakened and divided opposition believe change will come, sooner or later. "I think there will be resistance against Kais Saied if he is going to confiscate power through cheating and repression," says Ridha Driss, a senior member of the opposition Ennahdha party. "A peaceful political resistance will gain ground, and things won't last long for Kais Saied." ...